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Population growth downswings and their consequences

Population growth has slowed since the post-pandemic surge. The pace of moderation is uncertain but the implications for both the labour and housing markets are significant.

Five years on, some pandemic effects are still washing through. The surge in population growth following the reopening of Australia’s international borders is now unwinding, as was widely predicted. However, this unwind has happened a bit faster than leading indicators previously implied. Current RBA assumptions and our own population forecasts also imply that population growth will run a little slower this year and next than the 2010s average. While the difference might seem quantitatively small relative to all the other sources of uncertainty currently, it has implications for near-term labour market developments. It also takes some demand pressures off the housing market.

This slowdown in population growth was to be expected, given how much of the initial increase was catch-up. After the borders reopened, students returned seemingly all at once, especially after China’s borders reopened in early 2023. Though quantitatively smaller than the bounce-back in resident student numbers, there were also backlogs of people who had been approved as permanent residents before 2020 but had not arrived before the pandemic hit, as well as people who applied while the borders were shut and could not physically arrive to be counted in the population, even if their applications had been processed. Overall population growth peaked just above 2.5%yr in Q3 2023. Once those backlogs had worked through though, the rate of growth eased.

This pattern of a surge in growth and correction is evident in many peer economies, including some that did not close their borders as tightly. Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and Germany all saw qualitatively similar cycles in population growth, with Canada’s being even bigger than Australia’s, and Germany’s peaking at a slower rate but still high relative to its own history.

While the downswing has been widely expected, the pace of decline in the growth rate has been surprising. Until recently, we had been expecting population growth to finish 2024 at around a 2%yr pace, or even a little above that if the leading indicators of overseas arrivals and departures were to be believed. The RBA’s February SMP forecasts also rested on an assumed population growth rate for 2024 of 2%yr.

The official data on resident population numbers are quite lagged relative to other data – getting these data correctly disaggregated by state and territory of residence is hard. As noted previously, when the latest data (for September quarter 2024) were released in March, the annual growth rate had already declined to 1.8%. Both we and the RBA are now working on an assumption of 1.7%yr growth for calendar year 2024. (The RBA did not discuss this change in the SMP, marking its 2024 estimate to the latest data while leaving its 2025 and 2026 growth assumptions unchanged.)

It is not clear why the leading indicators gave a stronger steer or why the slowdown has been sharper than earlier thought. An apparent slowdown in processing times for some classes of visa application might have something to do with it, as might increased departures of long-term but non-permanent residents.

For working-age population growth (those aged 15 years and over) to outpace total population growth (including children) by more than usual, as it has, the increase in resident population must have been skewed to adults. Given the catch-up in population was skewed to young adult students, most of whom meet the ’12 months in 16’ test to be in scope for the Labour Force Survey (LFS), the gap seems relatively straightforward to explain. Other contributing factors might include the slower pace of natural increase since the pandemic; the number of young people turning 15 outnumbers births currently. Whatever the driver, though, as the population surge has unwound, so has the gap between the two measures.

Yet if the data for working-age civilian population from the LFS are to be believed, the decline in population growth is becoming less steep more recently. The gap between this measure and our forecasts for resident population increases again in the latest two quarters. 

To be fair, the ABS has to publish the labour force population numbers without the benefit of the official Estimated Resident Population (ERP) data for the latest periods. It therefore must use projections, and these can be revised. This has several implications for interpreting near-term labour market developments. First, regardless of whether the LFS or ERP trend is correct, population growth is lower now than a year ago. Even if trend labour force participation is still rising (as we believe), this means that employment growth will not have to run so hard to keep pace.

Second, there is a good chance that LFS estimates of working-age civilian population will be revised when the ABS re-benchmarks these data. Employment growth and other LFS measures that key off the population growth estimates would therefore also be revised. Indeed, the growth of the working-age population over 2024 was already revised from 2.4% to 2.1% following quarterly re-benchmarking to official population estimates in February. In these circumstances, observers are much less likely to get a bad steer from the current data by focusing on ratio measures that are robust to changes in estimated population growth. These include the employment-to-population ratio and the participation rate, as well as the unemployment rate and other measures of underutilisation. (The RBA discussed this issue back in 2012, the last time large swings in population growth skewed the LFS data.)


Third, and again regardless of whether the LFS estimate or our forecasts are correct, fewer net new residents implies less pressure on housing markets. It was no wonder that rent inflation surged over the same period and housing prices got a second wind in many cities despite high interest rates. Even the most flexible building industry (which Australia does not have) would have struggled to suddenly pivot and build 30–40% more homes to accommodate all the extra population. As population growth slows, so does demand for additional housing. This implies that rent inflation should slow further, as we expect. It also implies that the boost to established housing prices coming from lower interest rates could be less than usual this time around.


It is also worth noting that state-level population growth can vary considerably from the national total. For example, over the year to the September quarter, Victoria (2.1%yr), Queensland (2.0%yr) and WA (2.5%yr) all saw population growth run ahead of the national pace, while it lagged in NSW (1.4%) and the smaller states and territories. A key difference is that NSW had negative net interstate migration, while for Victoria this figure was close to zero, after being noticeably negative during the period of lockdowns and noticeably positive in the 2010s. These relativities can also shift quickly, as Western Australians know all too well.


The upshot is that, while we often think of demographic variables as slow-moving, they need not be. In the aftermath of the pandemic, these implications warrant careful monitoring.

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